The US: Not Merely Europe's Reluctant Partner, But a Adversary Steeped in Right-Wing Thought

On the exact date Donald Trump was presented with a custom-made "award for peace" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration released an equally flamboyant national security strategy. This fairly short paper drips with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the typically humble assertion that the president has rescued "the United States and the globe – back from the brink of disaster and disaster."

Even though the document mostly formalizes the current policies and rhetoric of Trump and his cabinet, it must be heeded as a serious caution for the international community, and for Europe in particular.

A Strategy of Interference and Civilizational Anxiety

The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy meddling where the US clearly sets the goal of "promoting European strength." Its rhetoric seems lifted directly from speeches by the Hungarian Prime Minister during the so-called refugee crisis of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to remain European, to regain its civilizational self-assurance." Even more ominously, the document states that Europe's "financial downturn is overshadowed by the genuine and starker prospect of civilizational erasure."

The whole section dedicated to Europe is imbued with decades of European far-right dogma and propaganda. The EU and its migration policies are blamed for "transforming the continent and creating strife, censorship of free expression and suppression of dissent, cratering birthrates, and erosion of sovereign identity and self-belief." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is far from obvious whether certain European countries will have economies and militaries powerful enough to remain dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration asserts that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."

"U.S. foreign policy should continue to champion genuine democracy, freedom of expression, and unapologetic celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and history."

Core Theories of the Right-Wing

These points carry strong overtones of two theories seen as foundational for modern far-right circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the inevitable fall of civilizations was used by the German far right to attack the "perversion" and "enfeeblement" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," released in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who translated long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more explicit conspiracy theory, alleging European elites of using immigration to substitute rebellious "indigenous" populations and bring in a more submissive and reliant electorate.

It is the nativist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that gives the Trump administration the right, if not the obligation, to interfere in European affairs, the document implies. And it is evident where it identifies its allies: "The United States urges its ideological partners in Europe to promote this revival of spirit, and the increasing clout of nationalist European parties indeed gives cause for great optimism."

The Goal: "Restore European Greatness"

In other words, the US believes that it is essential to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the only movement that can achieve this. Therefore, its "overarching strategy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating opposition to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the robust nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – specifically "aligned countries that want to restore their former greatness" – a clear reference to Hungary and Italy.

While the document stays unclear on implementation, it is apparent that a key aim is to pressure Europe to adopt a radical policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – especially regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalize relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "reestablish strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration evidently does not treat Russia as an enemy either.

A Historical Precedent: The Monroe Doctrine

In a broader sense, the national security strategy takes its inspiration less from the idealized US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this warned European powers not to meddle in the "Americas," which he proclaimed to be the US’s sphere of interest. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "implement a Trump corollary" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "enlisting" countries worldwide that wish to help protect US national interests.

This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s address at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president unleashed an assault on Europe’s democratic model. But perhaps now that it is published in an official document, European leaders will finally understand that the stance is grave. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be summarised in plain and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is most enhanced by the destruction of liberal democracy in Europe. To put it bluntly, the US is not only an reluctant ally; it is a willing adversary. Now is time to act appropriately.